A System Built Around Men

Women are the fastest-growing segment of the incarcerated population, with their numbers increasing by more than 600% since 1980¹—a rate twice as fast as that of incarcerated men.² Yet men still comprise approximately 93% of the state and federal prison population,³ and correctional systems have historically been designed around their needs and experiences. While criminal justice reforms have helped to reduce men’s prison populations in most states, they have had little to no effect on the number of incarcerated women.⁴ This disparity highlights a fundamental challenge: systems built primarily around men are often ill-equipped to address the realities of women’s incarceration.

Women’s experiences in the criminal justice system differ significantly from those of men. Their pathways into incarceration, experiences while incarcerated, and challenges after release are shaped by histories of trauma and violence, caregiving responsibilities, health disparities, and systemic inequities. These differences have important implications for how women experience incarceration and what they need to successfully rebuild their lives after release.  

Mental Health, Trauma, & Substance Use

The trauma and violence that many women experience before incarceration can have lasting effects on their mental health and well-being. Compared with incarcerated men, women are more likely to enter prison with histories of sexual abuse,⁵ childhood victimization, domestic violence, and other forms of trauma.⁶ These experiences can contribute to co-occurring mental health and substance use disorders and may influence patterns of involvement with the criminal justice system. Women are more likely to be incarcerated for drug and property offenses,⁷ while men are more likely to be incarcerated for violent crimes.⁸

Approximately 66% of women in prison and 68% of women in jail report having been diagnosed with a mental health condition, compared with 35% of men in prison and 41% of men in jail.⁹ Women are also more likely to experience psychological distress while incarcerated,¹⁰ report chronic medical and psychiatric conditions, and experience higher mortality rates while in jail.¹¹

Substance use disorders are similarly prevalent. Approximately 60% of women report using drugs in the month before the offense that led to their incarceration,¹² and nearly 70% of women in prison or jail meet the criteria for a substance use disorder.¹³ 

These rates demonstrate that incarceration often intersects with significant and unmet health needs. Without appropriate mental health and substance use support, women may leave incarceration without addressing the underlying challenges that contributed to their involvement with the justice system, making successful reentry more difficult.

The Impact of Family Separation 

For many women, the effects of incarceration extend beyond their individual experiences. Nearly two-thirds of incarcerated women are mothers of minor children, and many were their children’s primary caregivers before incarceration.¹⁴

Maintaining family connections can be especially difficult. Women’s prisons are often located far from home, making visitation challenging and expensive. This separation can increase feelings of isolation, anxiety, and depression.¹⁵ For some mothers, incarceration may also contribute to the loss of parental rights when their children enter foster care, creating additional trauma and long-term family disruption. 

Because strong relationships are central to successful reentry, supporting incarcerated women also means supporting their families. Rebuilding trust, reconnecting with children, and restoring relationships can be essential to a woman’s transition home. Restorative approaches recognize that healing takes place within families and communities as well as within individuals.

Sexual Violence Before, During, and After Incarceration 

Sexual violence is a pervasive reality in the lives of incarcerated women. For many, incarceration occurs within a larger history of victimization that began long before their involvement with the justice system. Human Rights Watch estimates that at least half of all incarcerated women experienced sexual abuse before incarceration.¹⁶ Among women in jail, 86% report experiencing sexual violence at some point in their lives.¹⁷

Incarceration does not necessarily end this cycle of victimization. Women in prison are four times more likely than men to report sexual victimization by another incarcerated person, while women in jails are more than twice as likely.¹⁸ Sexual abuse in correctional facilities is perpetrated by both correctional staff and incarcerated individuals. The U.S. Department of Justice found that correctional officers were responsible for 68.6% of substantiated staff sexual misconduct in American prisons,¹⁹ and Human Rights Watch estimates that at least 15% of incarcerated women have experienced sexual assault while in prison.²⁰

LGBTQ+ women face additional risks. They are overrepresented in the criminal justice system and experience higher rates of sexual abuse during incarceration than their heterosexual counterparts.²¹ Sexual assault is 13 times more prevalent among incarcerated transgender people.²² 

The prevalence of sexual trauma among incarcerated women underscores the importance of trauma-informed approaches that recognize the lasting impact of violence while creating opportunities for safety, healing, accountability, and growth. Without meaningful support, many women leave incarceration carrying the effects of past and ongoing harm. 

Reproductive Health and Bodily Autonomy 

Women in prison have distinct healthcare needs—including menstrual care, menopause management, pregnancy and postpartum care, reproductive healthcare, and treatment for mental health and substance use disorders—that frequently go unmet.²³  

This neglect has a long history. Throughout the twentieth century, California’s eugenics program resulted in the involuntary sterilization of more than 20,000 people, the majority of whom were poor women, people of color, and individuals with disabilities.²⁴ Although California repealed its eugenics laws in 1979, coerced sterilizations continued within its prison system for decades. A state audit found that at least 794 incarcerated women underwent medical procedures between 2005 and 2013 that could have resulted in sterilization. Of these women, 144 received bilateral tubal ligations performed solely for the purpose of sterilization.²⁵ Additionally, 25% of these procedures were performed without signed consent forms and disproportionately affected Black and Latina women with low literacy levels.²⁶

Today, incarcerated women continue to face barriers to menstrual products, pregnancy care, menopause treatment, and abortion services.²⁷ Following Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, which eliminated the federal constitutional right to abortion, these barriers have become even more significant for women who face restrictions on their ability to travel. Formerly incarcerated women seeking abortion care while on probation or parole may also need permission to travel, placing them at risk for further criminalization for either violating the conditions of their supervision or for getting an abortion itself.²⁸

These barriers disproportionately affect women of color, who experience higher incarceration rates as well as higher rates of unintended pregnancy and abortion.²⁹ In recent years, the imprisonment rate for Black women has been approximately 1.7 times that of white women, while the rate for Latina women has been about 1.2 times higher than that of white women.³⁰ The abortion rate for Black women is almost five times that of white women, and the rate for Latina women is approximately twice as high.³¹  

Women’s healthcare needs are inseparable from dignity, autonomy, and successful reentry. Addressing these needs requires ensuring that women can access the care and resources necessary to protect their health and rebuild their lives.

Barriers to Reentry 

Nearly 2.5 million women are released from prisons and jails in the United States each year.³² Reentry can be a difficult transition as women navigate unstable housing, limited employment opportunities, family separation, financial insecurity, and the stigma of a criminal record.

Safe and affordable housing is one of the first challenges they face after release. Discrimination and criminal record barriers can limit access to housing, leaving women vulnerable to shelters, unstable living situations, or homelessness.³³ Employment presents another significant obstacle. Women with criminal records may face restrictions on employment and professional licensing, while limited access to education, job training, and living-wage work can make it difficult to achieve financial stability. For women of color, these barriers can be compounded by existing racial disparities in employment, housing, and poverty.³⁴

Women must also rebuild relationships and support systems after incarceration. Many work to regain legal or physical custody of their children, reconnect with family, and establish healthy social networks,³⁵ while simultaneously meeting conditions of parole or probation related to employment, housing, substance use, and treatment. Managing these demands while addressing the effects of trauma and incarceration can make successful reentry especially challenging.

These barriers can have serious consequences. Up to 61% of women released from state prison are rearrested within three years, often for technical violations rather than new crimes.³⁶ Reentry should therefore be viewed not simply as a transition out of incarceration, but as an opportunity to provide women with the resources and support necessary to build stability and meet the obligations of supervision.

How ReEvolution Responds 

The challenges facing incarcerated women cannot be addressed through programs designed for men or one-size-fits-all approaches to rehabilitation. Women deserve restorative programming that recognizes their experiences and creates opportunities for healing, accountability, growth, and connection. 

ReEvolution recognizes that rehabilitation cannot be separated from the experiences that brought women into the system or the realities they face when they return home. We provide gender-responsive, trauma-informed restorative programming for women during incarceration and throughout reentry, rather than treating release as the end of intervention. ReEvolution’s curriculum is designed specifically for those whose lives have been shaped by trauma, addiction, violence, family separation, and systemic barriers. Inside women’s prisons, our classes create spaces for women to examine cycles of harm, develop emotional awareness, build leadership skills, strengthen relationships, and take responsibility for their choices. 

Our work continues after release through reentry support, women's groups, and individualized mental health and substance use services. These programs assist women in reconnecting with their families, building healthy support systems, and establishing stability in their communities. We also believe that women's voices belong at the center of conversations about incarceration. Through our storytelling initiative, incarcerated and formerly incarcerated women share their experiences in their own words, challenging stereotypes and helping communities better understand the realities of women's incarceration. 

ReEvolution’s approach is grounded in the belief that women are empowered to create meaningful change when given the space, support, and opportunity to pursue it. By centering women as participants, leaders, and storytellers, ReEvolution helps women see themselves beyond their incarceration and envision new possibilities for their lives. 

Conclusion

The experiences of incarcerated women demonstrate why gender-responsive support is essential both inside prison and throughout reentry. Their distinct experiences with trauma, violence, health, family separation, and the barriers they face after release require more than a system designed around the needs of men. ReEvolution is uniquely positioned to meet these needs through restorative, trauma-informed programming for women, led largely by women who bring their own understanding of the experiences and challenges women face within the justice system. Beginning during incarceration and continuing after release, ReEvolution’s work centers women’s voices while encouraging them to build the skills, relationships, stability, and confidence needed to return home and move forward. When women have the support to rebuild, the effects reach their families, their communities, and the generations that follow.

Written by Lauren Kozmor, Intern at ReEvolution

Endnotes

1. Sawyer, Wendy. “The Gender Divide: Tracking Women's State Prison Growth.” Prison Policy Initiative, 2018, https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/women_overtime.html.

2. Budd, Kristen M., Napal, Dinesh, and Joshua Rovner. “Incarcerated Women and Girls.” The Sentencing Project, 2025, https://www.sentencingproject.org/fact-sheet/incarcerated-women-and-girls/.

3. “Individuals in the Federal Bureau of Prisons.” United States Sentencing Commission, 2025, https://www.ussc.gov/research/quick-facts/individuals-federal-bureau-prisons.

4. Sawyer, “The Gender Divide.”'

5. Haber, Lawrence A., James, Jennifer E., and Brie A. Williams. “Threats to Women’s Health in Prisons and Jails.” National Library of Medicine, 2025, https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11995878/. 

6. Tripodi, Stephen J., and Carrie Pettus-Davis. “Histories of childhood victimization and subsequent mental health problems, substance use, and sexual victimization for a sample of incarcerated women in the US.” International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 2013, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S016025271200091X?via%3Dihub.

7. Budd et al., “Incarcerated Women and Girls.”

8. Zimmer, Scott. “Sex Differences in Crime.” EBSCO, 2019,  https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/sociology/sex-differences-crime.

9. Villa, Manuel. “The Mental Health Crisis Facing Women in Prison.” The Marshall Project, 2017, https://www.themarshallproject.org/2017/06/22/the-mental-health-crisis-facing-women-in-prison.

10. “More Incarcerated Women than Men Report Mental Health Problems.” Equal Justice Initiative, 2017, https://eji.org/news/more-incarcerated-women-report-mental-health-problems/.

11. Haber et al., “Threats to Women’s Health.”

12. Tripodi et al., “Histories of childhood victimization.”

13. “Illicit Drug Use Among Justice-Involved Females.” Council on Criminal Justice, 2025, https://counciloncj.org/illicit-drug-use-among-justice-involved-females/

14. Sawyer, “The Gender Divide.”

15. Ibid.

16. “Female Prisoner Abuse Statistics.” Merson Law, 2026, https://mersonlaw.com/female-prisoner-abuse-statistics/.

17. “Overlooked: Women and Jails in an Era of Reform.” Vera Institute of Justice, 2016, https://www.vera.org/publications/overlooked-women-and-jails-report.

18. “Women's Justice: A Preliminary Assessment of Women in the Criminal Justice System.” Council on Community Justice, 2024, https://counciloncj.org/womens-justice-a-preliminary-assessment-of-women-in-the-criminal-justice-system/.

19. “Female Prisoner Abuse Statistics.”

20. Ibid.

21. “A Preliminary Assessment of Women in the Criminal Justice System.”

22. Haber et al., “Threats to Women’s Health.”

23. Sawyer, “The Gender Divide.”

24. Mihalovich, Cayla. “‘I would have been a great mom’: California finally pays reparations to woman it sterilized.” CalMatters, 2024,  https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/10/reparations-forced-sterilization/

25. “Sterilization of Female Inmates.” California State Auditor, 2013, https://information.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2013-120.pdf

26. Haber et al., “Threats to Women’s Health.”

27. Daniels, Cheyanne M. “End of Roe makes bad situation worse for incarcerated women.” The Hill, 2022,https://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/3550523-end-of-roe-makes-bad-situation-worse-for-incarcerated-women/.

28. Sawyer, Wendy. “Two years after the end of Roe v. Wade, most women on probation and parole have to ask permission to travel for abortion care.” Prison Policy Initiative, 2024,  https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2024/06/18/dobbs/

29. Daniels, “End of Roe.”

30. Budd et al., “Incarcerated Women and Girls.”

31. Dutton, Zoe. “Abortion’s Racial Gap.” The Atlantic, 2014, https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2014/09/abortions-racial-gap/380251/.

32. Snider, Jillian. “Confronting the Women’s Incarceration Crisis: Reentry and Long-Term Success.” R Street, 2025, https://www.rstreet.org/commentary/confronting-the-womens-incarceration-crisis-reentry-and-long-term-success/

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid.

35. O’brien, Patricia. “Mapping The Way Home: Reducing Barriers to Women’s Reentry After Prison.” Beyondmedia Education, https://www.womenandprison.org/prison-industrial-complex/reducing_barriers_to_womens_reentry_after_prison